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These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.

这些设想都是错误的。在2009年，一个强国不是靠控制或妖魔化其他国家显示实力。帝国可以将主权国家当棋盘上的棋子摆布的时代已经结束。如我在开罗所说，鉴于我们的独立，任何世界秩序——鉴于我们的相互依存，任何企图使一个国家或一个群体凌驾于另一个国家或另一群体之上的世界秩序必将失败。寻求实力不再是零和游戏——进步必须共享。

That‘s why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I‘ve had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.

这就是我呼吁“重启”美俄关系的理由所在。这决不能仅限于克林姆林宫与白宫关系的新开端——尽管这一点很重要，我与贵国总统和总理分别就此举行了极好的讨论。这必须是美俄两国人民的持久努力，以明确双方的共同利益，扩大对话与合作，从而为取得进步铺平道路。

This will not be easy. It‘s difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it‘s hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation.  It is not for me to define Russia‘s national interests, but I can tell you about America‘s national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.

这不是容易办到的事。对于以往相互抗衡的对手而言，相互建立持久的伙伴关系有很大的困难，改变我们的政府和官僚机构数十年来形成的根深蒂固的习惯势力，任务也十分艰巨。但我相信在决定本世纪走向的基本问题上，美国人民与俄罗斯人民拥有共同的利益，从而提供了合作的基础。俄罗斯的国家利益用不着我来阐释，但我可以告诉你们，美国的国家利益是什么。我相信你们会发现我们拥有共同的基点。

First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.

首先，逆转核武器扩散的趋势，防止核武器的使用，是美国的利益所在。

In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don‘t have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.

上一个世纪，美国和俄罗斯的几代人继承了可以毁灭其他国家的力量，同时也认识到使用这种力量也会造成自身的毁灭。2009年，我们传承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出这样的问题：美国和俄罗斯领导人是否将奉行恐怖的均势──我们了解，我们两国之间发生任何战争，都将产生悲惨的结局。但我们确实有必要问这样一个问题：我们有必要问一问，在纽约和莫斯科杀害无辜平民的极端主义分子会不会表现同样的克制。我们有必要问一问，10个、20个，或者50个有核武装的国家是否会保障本国核武库的安全并避免使用核武器。

This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we‘ve already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons?

这就是21世纪核挑战的核心问题。认为拥有这些核武器就能提高自己的地位，或认为一旦确认和鉴别哪些国家可以拥有这些核武器，我们就能保护自己，都不切实际的幻想。在冷战结束后的短时期内，我们已经看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韩进行了核试验。如果不发生根本性的变化，我们中间有谁真正相信今后20年不会出现核武器的进一步扩散？

That‘s why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world‘s two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won‘t be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.

正是出于这个原因，美国坚决要求制止核扩散，最终争取实现全世界不存在核武器的目标。这与我们在《不扩散核武器条约》中作出的承诺相一致。这是我们作为全世界两个核大国需要承担的责任。尽管我知道这个目标不可能很快实现，但争取实现这个目标可以为防止核武器扩散并避免其实际使用提供法律和道义的基础。

We‘re already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.

我们已经为奠定这个基础迈出了重大步伐。昨天，梅德韦杰夫总统和我为两国谈判达成一项新的条约取得了进展。这个条约将大大减少我们的弹头和运载系统的数量。我们重申我们致力于核能源的洁净、安全与和平使用，所有根据《不扩散核武器条约》履行其职责的国家都有权获得这样的核能。我们同意加强在核安全问题上的合作，这对于达到在四年内保障所有危险核材料的安全的目标至关重要。

As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That‘s why we should be united in opposing North Korea‘s efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran‘s efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I‘m pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.

在我们履行自己的承诺之时，我们还必须使其他国家为他们做出的承诺负责。不论美国还是俄罗斯，我们两国都不可能从东亚和中东的核武器竞赛中获益。正是由于这个原因，我们应该共同反对北韩成为核国家，共同反对伊朗获得核武器。我感到高兴的是，梅德韦杰夫总统和我同意对弹道导弹问题──21世纪弹道导弹构成的挑战，包括来自伊朗和北韩的威胁──联合进行威胁评估。

This is not about singling out individual nations -- it‘s about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.

此事并非针对个别国家，而是涉及到所有国家的责任。如果我们不能采取共同立场，那么《不扩散核武器条约》和联合国安理会的信誉就会丧失殆尽，国际法就会被弱肉强食的法则取代。这对任何人都没有好处。我曾在布拉格表示，规则必须有约束力，违者必罚，言必有信。

The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. And I‘ve made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran‘s nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.

成功地执行这些规则有助于消除产生分歧的根源。我知道俄罗斯反对在欧洲部署导弹防御系统的计划。为了加强美国、欧洲和全世界的安全，本届政府正在审议有关计划。我已明确表示，这个系统的目的在于防止可能来自伊朗的袭击，与俄罗斯无关。事实上，我希望与俄罗斯在导弹防御框架的问题上相互合作，从而加强我们大家的安全。但一旦排除了来自伊朗核计划和弹道导弹计划的威胁，在欧洲部署导弹防御系统的驱动力将不再存在。这符合我们的共同利益。

Now, in addition to securing the world‘s most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.

除了限制全世界最危险的武器之外，美国具有重大国家利益的第二个问题是孤立并战胜暴力极端主义分子。

For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims. And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul; and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They‘re plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate -- particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.

多年来，"基地"组织及其附庸亵渎了一个代表和平与正义的伟大宗教，残酷无情地杀害各种国籍和各种信仰的男子、妇女和儿童。尤其值得注意的是，他们甚至也杀害穆斯林。这些极端主义分子在安曼和巴厘岛杀人；在伊斯兰堡和喀布尔杀人；他们的手上也沾满美国人和俄罗斯人的血。他们正在密谋杀害我们更多的人民，他们得到一些安全庇护所，在那里进行训练和活动──特别是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区。

And that‘s why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. And that‘s why I‘m pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory. Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It‘s time to work together on behalf of a different future -- a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.

正是因为如此，美国有一个明确的目标：瓦解、捣毁和击败“基地”组织及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我们不谋求建立基地，也不希望控制这些国家。相反，我们希望与国际夥伴相互合作，其中包括俄罗斯，帮助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促进其安全与繁荣。正是因为这个原因，我对俄罗斯允许美国经贵国领土为我们的盟军运送物资感到高兴。无论美国还是俄罗斯，均不希望看到塔利班统治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。现在，我们应该为实现另一种前途携手努力:我们不再进行以往的大规模竞赛，同时努力解决当前的冲突，让我们都为中亚的安全做贡献。

Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis. We‘re pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. We‘re partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development. In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success -- and we need to partner together.

现在，在阿富汗之外，美国还致力于争取更多的机会孤立极端主义分子。我们正在帮助伊拉克人民建设更美好的未来，将伊拉克交由伊拉克人自己治理。我们正在寻求实现以色列和巴勒斯坦两个国家在和平与安全的环境中共存的目标。我们正在与世界各地的穆斯林进行伙伴合作，以推进教育、卫生和经济发展。在每一项努力中，我相信俄罗斯人民都与我们有共同的目标，并将从成功中获益──为此，我们需要结成伙伴关系。

Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America‘s interest in global prosperity. And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.

现在，除了这些安全问题之外，我将谈论的第三方面的问题是美国对全球繁荣的关注。今天有如此众多的经济学家和未来的工商界人士在场，我知道这是你们很关心的问题。

We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant -- through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption -- then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.

我们在此会见，正值全球陷入这一代人最严重的衰退。我认为，自由市场众所周知是创造和分配全球财富的最强大的力量。但是，无论在什么地方，如果市场不受任何约束──因承担过度的风险，缺乏监管或腐败──那么一切都会受到威胁，不论我们居住在密西西比河流域，还是伏尔加河畔。

In America, we‘re now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth. You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.

在美国，我们现在正在采取前所未有的步骤，刺激经济回升，改革我们的监管体制。但是，如同没有任何国家能够在全球危机中独善其身一样，没有任何国家能够单独成为全球发展的动力。你们看，你们生活中发生了某种根本性的变化。虽然这场危机显示出变化带来的风险，但是机会远大于风险。

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